How to Deal with Rageboy: Hitchens on Rushdie

Hitchens nails it. We’re in a show down and we’re totally psyched out. (Hat tip: n00man)

Look Forward to Anger
IT’S IMPOSSIBLE TO SATISFY “RAGE BOY” AND HIS ILK. IT’S STUPID TO TRY.
By Christopher Hitchens
Posted Monday, June 25, 2007, at 1:46 PM ET

rageboy
Rage Boy

If you follow the link, you will be treated to some scenes from the strenuous life of a professional Muslim protester in the Kashmiri city of Srinagar. Over the last few years, there have been innumerable opportunities for him to demonstrate his piety and his pissed-offness. And the cameras have been there for him every time. Is it a fatwah? Is it a copy of the Quran allegedly down the gurgler at Guantanamo? Is it some cartoon in Denmark? Time for Rage Boy to step in and for his visage to impress the rest of the world with the depth and strength of Islamist emotion.

Last week, there was another go-round of this now-formulaic story, when Salman Rushdie accepted a knighthood from her majesty the queen, and the whole cycle of hysteria started up again. Effigies and flags burned (is there some special factory in Karachi that churns out the flags of democratic countries for occasions like this?), wounded screams from religious nut bags, bounties raised to suborn murder, and solemn resolutions passed by notional bodies such as the Pakistani “parliament.” A few months ago, it was the pope who was being threatened, and Christians in the Middle East and Muslim Asia who were actually being killed. Indeed, Rage Boy had a few yells and gibberings to offer on that occasion, too.

I have actually seen some of these demonstrations, most recently in Islamabad, and all I would do if I were a news editor is ask my camera team to take several steps back from the shot. We could then see a few dozen gesticulating men (very few women for some reason), their mustaches writhing as they scatter lighter fluid on a book or a flag or a hastily made effigy. Around them, a two-deep encirclement of camera crews. When the lights are turned off, the little gang disperses. And you may have noticed that the camera is always steady and in close-up on the flames, which it wouldn’t be if there was a big, surging mob involved.

Of course, this is not to say that there isn’t a lot of generalized self-pity and self-righteousness (as well as a lot of self-hatred) in the Muslim world. A minister in Pakistan’s government—the son of revolting late dictator Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, as it happens—appeared to say that Rushdie’s knighthood would justify suicide bombing. But our media regularly make the assumption that the book burners and fanatics really do represent the majority, and that assumption has by no means been tested. (If it is ever tested, and it turns out to be true, then can we hear a bit less about how one of the world’s largest religions mustn’t be confused with its lunatic fringe?)

The acceptance of an honor by a distinguished ex-Muslim writer, who exercised his freedom to abandon his faith and thus courts a death sentence for apostasy in any case, came shortly after the remaining minarets of the Askariya shrine in Samarra were brought down in shards. You will recall that the dome itself was devastated by an explosion more than a year ago—an outrage described in one leading newspaper as the work of “Sunni insurgents,” the soft name for al-Qaida. But what does “Rage Boy” have to say about this appalling desecration of a Muslim holy place? What resolutions were introduced into the “parliament” of Pakistan, denouncing such shameful profanity? You already know the answer to those questions. The lives of Shiite Muslims, Jews, Hindus, and Christians—to say nothing of atheists or secularists—are considered by Sunni militants to be of little or no account. And yet they accuse those who criticize them of bigotry! And many people are so anxious to pre-empt this accusation that they ventriloquize the reactions of Sunni mobs as if they were the vox populi, all the while muttering that we must take care not to offend such supersensitive people.

Hitchens points out the key issue here: if this were true indignation at the mistreatment of Muslims, surely the blowing up of the mosques would be far more heinous than a Qur’an in the toilet. But this isn’t about real damage or real injury, this is about honor, shame, and bullying fools. We are such an ideal target for this kind of manufactured indignation because we are so sensitive to it, so ready to fold the minute they look at us cross-eyed. Partly this comes from our “cultural sensitivity” which at this point has reached inane proportions, partly from intimidation, our fear of Muslim anger. Both are invitations to aggression.

This mental and moral capitulation has a bearing on the argument about Iraq, as well. We are incessantly told that the removal of the Saddam Hussein despotism has inflamed the world’s Muslims against us and made Iraq hospitable to terrorism, for all the world as if Baathism had not been pumping out jihadist rhetoric for the past decade (as it still does from Damascus, allied to Tehran). But how are we to know what will incite such rage? A caricature published in Copenhagen appears to do it. A crass remark from Josef Ratzinger (leader of an anti-war church) seems to have the same effect. A rumor from Guantanamo will convulse Peshawar, the Muslim press preaches that the Jews brought down the Twin Towers, and a single citation in a British honors list will cause the Iranian state-run press to repeat its claim that the British government—along with the Israelis, of course—paid Salman Rushdie to write The Satanic Verses to begin with. Exactly how is such a mentality to be placated?

Precisely. And one of the corollaries to the answer to Hitchens’ rhetorical question — Nothing — is that if we leave Iraq without assuring some stability, we will not only have failed to appease it, we will incite it with our lack of resolve. In the world of global Jihad, all the rules of civil society and positive-sum games work in reverse: generosity and concession invite hatred and aggression.

We may have to put up with the Rage Boys of the world, but we ought not to do their work for them, and we must not cry before we have been hurt. In front of me is a copy of this week’s Economist, which states that Rushdie’s 1989 death warrant was “punishment for the book’s unflattering depiction of the Prophet Muhammad.” There is no direct depiction of the prophet in this work of fiction, and the reverie about his many wives occurs in the dream of a madman. Nobody in Ayatollah Khomeini’s circle could possibly have read the book for him before he issued a fatwah, which made it dangerous to possess. Yet on that occasion, the bookstore chains of America pulled The Satanic Verses from their shelves, just as Borders shamefully pulled Free Inquiry (a magazine for which I write) after it reproduced the Danish cartoons. Rage Boy keenly looks forward to anger, while we worriedly anticipate trouble, and fret about etiquette, and prepare the next retreat. If taken to its logical conclusion, this would mean living at the pleasure of Rage Boy, and that I am not prepared to do.

This is a classic showdown, mano a mano, eyeball to eyeball. And we’re blinking before the confrontation starts.

3 Responses to How to Deal with Rageboy: Hitchens on Rushdie

  1. fp\http://fallofknowledgeandreason.blogspot.com/ says:

    >we must not cry before we have been hurt.

    Ah, but you see, the west wants to PREVENT being hurt. And it thinks that by appeasing it will succeed.

    Those who are not prepared under any circumstances to be hurt will be dominated and subjugated.

  2. Richard Landes says:

    right on: we want to prevent, and we cry out to avoid it…
    but as you point out, at this point sending out those signals is like bleeding in a shark pool.

  3. Michael B says:

    fp, precisely so, the obverse side of that coin is that the right ideas need to guide, need to represent the battle flag born into battle; but the west, before it is able to sustain the courage of its convictions, will need to refind (actually, re-locate, since the times, the circumstances, are new) those most primary convictions in the first place.

    That is where a more genuine “optimism” and “maturity” can be found, can be founded and sustained. That truth will almost always be located in a remnant, a minority, that is willing to sustain the fight – the better, which is to say the better reasoned, fight. That is a use of “reason” in the broadest, while also most fruitful, sense of the term.

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